Long Knives for Franchot, Part Four

The Knives of Annapolis are getting longer every day for Peter Franchot. But L’enfant Terrible of Takoma Park may just stick it to his enemies before they stick it to him.

Peter Franchot was first elected to the House of Delegates in 1986. So what did he do? He immediately ran against then-freshman Congresswoman Connie Morella in a “notably aggressive” campaign. Franchot then embarked on a long career of press-hounding, glory-seeking and blood-feuding (especially with former pariah Delegate Dana Dembrow). After he was re-elected to his fifth term in 2002, Franchot became hungry again for higher office. And he soon found a convenient target: the increasingly erratic Comptroller, William Donald Schaefer. Franchot quickly began dogging Schaefer and capitalizing on his every mis-step. Here is just one example: shortly after Schaefer criticized a McDonald’s employee for not speaking English, Franchot organized a news conference at which Latino leaders and Democratic legislators denounced him. Franchot’s surprise win in 2006 was the product of four years of courtship of the labor, environmental and minority communities: the heart of Maryland’s left.

Franchot has never lost his edge and remains the favorite against any rival. Here’s why.

1. Franchot is the only statewide candidate for the office.
Prior to 2004, then-Delegate Franchot was known only in Montgomery County and mainly in his home turf of Takoma Park. But his campaign against Schaefer and his crusade against slots have turned him into a true statewide figure. Only Governor O’Malley and the two U.S. Senators are better known than Franchot. Jim Smith, Brian Feldman and almost every other possible contender are local or regional candidates at this point who must work to build name recognition outside their home areas.

2. Franchot has never stopped running for Comptroller.
Consider this: since being elected, Franchot has raised a total of $1.1 million – nearly equal to the $1.6 million he raised during the previous four years. He has retired nearly all of the $750,000 home mortgage debt he incurred in his run and has spent $223,767 on salaries for campaign staff through 10/24/08. That’s right – he has been paying campaign staff ever since his election. One of his salary recipients was none other than Scott Arceneaux, the former campaign manager for Doug Duncan who later headed Marylanders United to Stop Slots. Arceneaux received $15,000 from Franchot in January and February 2008 before joining the anti-slots campaign (and launching the ad that was so hated by Annapolis Democrats).

3. Franchot’s press skills far exceed any opponent.
This is obvious but also extremely important. Franchot understands how to work the press better than any other politician in Maryland. He is always ready with a great quote and is constantly creating a story – exactly the things that reporters love. Do Democratic primary voters really care that he has offended Big Daddy? Of course not – all they know is his name. And that is more than the vast majority of them know about any of his potential opponents.

4. Franchot can avoid responsibility for any problems.
The leaders in Annapolis have been making an unusually large number of tough decisions over the last two years – raising taxes, cutting spending, calling for slots – and there is more to come. But Franchot need not sully himself in the dirty details of it. He can merely stand on the outside and criticize the unhappy outcomes. Are you a moderate Democrat in the Baltimore suburbs who disliked the special session’s tax hikes? Peter Franchot, who has criticized the special session since Day One, agrees with you. Are you a liberal in Montgomery County who dislikes spending cuts? Peter Franchot, who called for a blue-ribbon commission instead, agrees with you. Are you a slots opponent? Of course, Peter Franchot is on your side. Who cares about whether Franchot has genuine alternatives for closing the state’s budget deficits? Such tactics infuriate Franchot’s enemies (especially Big Daddy) but they make for great politics.

5. Franchot’s strength in the Washington suburbs is tough to overcome.
In the 2006 primary election, Franchot received more votes from Montgomery and Prince George’s Counties (111,912) than did Janet Owens (60,088) and William Donald Schaefer (38,154) combined. No Baltimore-area politician will be able to beat Franchot in the state’s two largest Democratic jurisdictions. As of 10/31/08, there were 589,064 registered Democrats in Baltimore City and Baltimore County vs. 696,537 in Montgomery and Prince George’s Counties. Another fact: of the 202,122 newly registered Democrats between 10/31/06 and 10/31/08, 46% came from Montgomery and Prince George’s. Doug Gansler’s victory over Stu Simms proved that a candidate from the Washington suburbs could finally defeat a Baltimore candidate in a statewide race. Peter Franchot, who currently has more statewide name recognition than does Gansler, could very well prove that again.

6. His potential rivals may already be too late.
Franchot effectively started his race against Schaefer at least two years prior to election day. He needed that time to build his case against the incumbent and form alliances outside his home jurisdiction. Neither Jim Smith nor Brian Feldman nor anyone else has begun a similar effort – yet. If anyone wants to take on Franchot, they must obtain the support of the Governor and Big Daddy and start raising money and making the rounds as soon as possible. It will take that long to mount a winning challenge against one of the most hyper-competitive campaigners the state has seen in a long time.

And Franchot’s fanatical nature may be his greatest edge. One of my informants told me, “I’m done betting against Peter Franchot. I’m not saying he’s a lock to win. But every time I’ve bet against him, I’ve been wrong.” Another longtime political observer told me, “A race against Franchot is not for the faint of heart; he is fearless and will go down fighting.”

Peter Franchot’s next election campaign is well underway. Phase One was his opposition to the unpopular special session. Phase Two was the anti-slots campaign. Franchot has already established his message: Don’t Trust Annapolis Politicians. He will use it against anyone backed by the Governor and Mike Miller. He will argue that his opponent – whoever it is – is a “machine politician” under control by “gambling interests.” He will implore the Democratic primary electorate, a group well to the left of the general electorate that voted for slots, to retain him as its protector. Franchot's campaign will claim that only he can be trusted to look out for the poor, the weak and the victims of poorly-conceived tax hikes and spending cuts.

And so there are many long knives waiting for Peter Franchot in Annapolis. But the Comptroller just may have the longest – and the bloodiest – knife of them all.