Showing posts with label Ghana. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ghana. Show all posts

Sunday, January 11, 2009

An Election Deserving More Attention

Newly Elected Ghanaian President John Atta Mills Takes the Oath of Office

Ghana held its regularly scheduled presidential and parliamentary elections around one month after our own elections at the end of last year. Ghana experienced an incredibly tight contest between the two candidates complete with its own version of our snafus in the 2000 election. Yet Ghana's young democracy came through, resulting in the second peaceful transfer of power to the opposition since the restoration of democracy in 1992.

The First Round
Many African democracies have one dominant party--usually associated with the president. Like the United States, Ghana has two vibrant parties, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) of newly elected President John Atta Mills and the New Patriotic Party (NPP) of outgoing President John Kufuor. Kufuor could not run for reelection as he had served the maximum two terms allowed under the Ghanaian Constitution, and the NPP banner was carried by Nana Akuffo-Addo.

The first round was very close. Akuffo-Addo led Mills by 49.13% to 47.92%. Turnout was down from 2004 but that was widely viewed as the product of a successful clampdown on fraudulent registrations, especially by people not yet of voting age. As no candidate won a majority, a second round was held a few weeks later.

The Second Round
If the first round was close, the second round on December 28 was even closer. Mills of the NDC very narrowly led Akuffo-Addo of the governing NPP. However, there were problems with a shortage of ballots in one parliamentary constituency, Tain, so the independent Electoral Commission decided to hold a revote there on January 2 as the difference between the two presidential candidates was so small that the results in Tain could at least theoretically change the outcome.

Tensions grew as both parties accused the other of tampering with the vote in their regional strongholds. The NPP claimed that the NDC had acted improperly in the Volta Region, infamously called the NDC "World Bank" for votes by former NDC President Jerry Rawlings. The NDC made similar accusations regarding NPP behavior in Ashanti, the NPP regional stronghold.

When I visited Ghana in late September, I had been impressed that supporters of both parties widely perceived the vote as free and fair. The ballots are placed in transparent boxes, making them hard to stuff, and they are counted at the polling place in the presence of observers from both major parties with the results posted immediately at the polling place, so all can see.

These operations seemed to help give confidence in the count as it made it harder for fraudsters to mysteriously change the result on the way to some central counting headquarters. Complaints about the electoral process centered overwhelmingly on the voter registration list. Nonetheless, several constituencies in Kumasi, the capital of Ashanti and Ghana's second largest city, reported updated results in 2008 with the second report being stronger for the NPP.

The Second Round, Take Two in Tain
Both candidates travelled to Tain where the election would finally be settled. The preliminary results from the second round without Tain had Mills just ahead. In the first round in Tain, Mills had narrowly beat Akuffo-Addo by just 51% to 47%. However, he won in a landslide in the second round, solidifying Mills' lead and claim to the presidency.

Obviously, I wasn't there so I can only speculate why voters in Tain plumped so heavily for Mills in the second round. One reason might be the tendency to go with the winner to join the winning side, possibly in the hope of patronage. Akuffo-Addo would have had to win Tain by a landslide to overcome Mills' national lead even though it was a small one.

Perhaps the voters of Tain wanted to help Ghana avoid potential post-election violence--the violence in Kenya and several other African countries had been given much press attention in advance of the election as a negative example. Regardless of who they preferred, many Ghanaians wanted a peaceful outcome above all. Including Tain, Mills won by 50.23% to 49.77%.

Accepting the Results
President Kufuor played a positive role, encouraging all the accept the results of the Electoral Commission in advance of the poll and quietly pressing Akuffo-Addo to concede after he had lost this extremely tight contest. Mills also promised to hold no grudges and represent all Ghanaians. Akuffo-Addo conceded and wished Mills well even as he cited the need to correct irregularities in the future.

Ghanaian Exceptionalism
Perhaps surprisingly, Ghana uses the same first-past-the-post system to elect its parliament that we use in the U.S. to elect the House of Representatives and is often viewed in Africa as a recipe for ethnic conflict as it allows each party to capture their home region and potentially sweep all the seats in it.

Somehow, Ghana has avoided this problem and presents a real challenge to the current wisdom among scholars of electoral systems. In Ghana, each party has an ethnic base--the NDC does very well among the Ewe of the Volta and the NPP does best among the Asante in Ashanti. However, neither group is big enough to dominate the country. Ethnic voting is not totally homogenous even in the bases, particularly in Ashanti.

Even more interestingly, the Asante are part of a larger group of closely related ethnic groups called the Akan which speak very similar languages. However, the Akan--the largest ethnic group in Ghana--have notably not consolidated within a single party. Divisions among the Akan and resentment of past Asante dominance may explain this outcome.

Whatever the reason, it appears healthy for Ghanaian democracy as both parties have to build coalitions well beyond their own bases in order to win nationally. While the parties undoubtedly have ethnic bases and a certain ethnic appeal, they are not ethnic parties. Perhaps Ghana's success owes something to success in creating a national identity that goes beyond ethnicity, a genuine problem in countries which were originally colonial creations and cobbled together many ethnic groups. I saw Ghanaian flags and colors everywhere during my visit.

Even more interestingly, Ghana has also avoided the pattern of the presidential party becoming incredibly dominant in the wake of an electoral victory. Even after losing power in 2000, the NDC survived and came back to win in 2008. The NPP did not fade after losing in 1992 and 1996, and came to power in 2000.

The second successful transfer of power should solidify Ghana's status as one of the most successful democracies in Africa. Interestingly, the results also reflect the view of Ghanaians who thought an Obama victory in the US would benefit the NDC in Ghana.

Coverage in the Washington Post
While the Post commendably ran an editorial lauding Ghana's democracy, it's a pity that it never merited more than a postage stamp blip of news coverage. It reminds me of why I tell Canadians they shouldn't be offended by the lack of news coverage of Canada in the U.S. Just look at what is going on in countries, like Zimbabwe, which make the papers.

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Wednesday, October 08, 2008

Election Fever . . . in Ghana


Campaign Billboard in Kumasi, Ghana

The Perfect Gift
Before I left for Africa, I raced around looking for a place to buy Obama buttons to give as small tokens of thanks. They’re an enormous hit. I felt bad when I didn’t have enough for all of the students at the University of Ghana who wanted one.

Will the U.S. Election Results Influence Ghana’s Elections?
Ghana is holding its presidential and parliamentary elections simultaneously just one month after we vote in the United States. The two dominant parties are the New Patriotic Party (NPP), concluding its second four-year term in power, and the National Democratic Congress (NDC), which governed from 1992-2000 and badly want to return to power. President John K.A. Kufuor must step down as he is concluding his second term.

President Kufuor of the NPP recently paid a state visit to Washington—President Bush held one of his few state dinners in his honor. Some think that Ghana’s voters will return the NPP to power if the Republicans triumph in November but turn to the NDC if the Democrats win the presidency in the U.S. The NDC flagbearer—Ghanaian for leader or presidential candidates is Professor John Atta Mills. He is set to become the Williams Jennings Bryan of Ghana if he loses. This is his third consecutive bid for the presidency.

Ethnicity and Elections in Ghana
The plague of African democracy is that elections often resemble an ethnic census with voters from each group supporting one candidate or party en masse. The recent elections in Kenya which led to fierce interethnic violence are a classic example. Escaping the ethnic trap has been difficult in many divided societies but perhaps been an especially difficult challenge for African democracies.

Ghana is not an exception in terms of the importance of language and ethnicity. Like most sub-Saharan Africa states, Ghana contains many different groups who often speak different languages. In Ghana, the Ewe of the Volta Region in the East vote at very high rates for the NDC. In contrast, the Ashanti in the Ashanti Region vote lopsidedly for the NPP.

Ghana may have managed to establish an increasingly stable democracy despite the continuing salience of ethnicity. For starters, not all Ashanti vote for the NPP despite that region being the party’s base and home to a welter of safe NPP parliamentary seats. Moreover, neither the Ewe nor the Ashanti are populous enough to win the elections alone and much reach out to other regions of the country.

Neither party is able to build a firm majority based on consolidating support from related ethnic groups. The Akan include a variety of groups, including the Ashanti, which speak closely related languages—as close as British and American English according to people I met here—but the NPP has not been able to get nearly as consistent or high support from non-Ashanti Akan. For example, the Fante who live in Western and Central regions along Ghana’s coast are swing voters.

The election system may encourage parties to move beyond their ethnic base. Ghana uses the same single-member district system as the U.S. While parties can win lots of seats in their home region based on an ethnic majority, they need to attract support in a variety of regions to gain a parliamentary majority and to win the presidency.

The result is unique within Africa. In many other African democracies, there is a dominant party. In Ghana, there are two major parties in addition to a number of smaller parties. In 2000, the NDC lost and had to turn power over the NPP. Both the NPP and the NDC are highly competitive and have a reasonable shot at winning the upcoming elections. Many think that there will have to be a runoff in the presidential election as the Convention People’s Party (CPP) candidate is attracting some support.

Ghana’s success at holding a series of democratic elections—this is the fifth since the last military government—with a successful transfer of power needs to be examined more. Why has democracy taken root here? Is it the electoral system? Does Ghana have a stronger sense of being a nation than other African states despite ethnic divisions? Regardless of its answers, Ghana’s success is once again making the country a leader in Africa.

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Wednesday, October 01, 2008

Photo from Ghana


I'm visiting Ghana and paired with a Republican to speak about our elections for the State Department. I took this photo on my first day in Kumasi, Ghana's second-largest city and the capital of the Ashanti region.

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